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| Introduction | ||
| Gordon Tullock | ||
| Gordon Tullock : distinguished fellow, 1998 | ||
| Economic imperialism | 3 | |
| Public choice | 16 | |
| Public choice - what I hope for the next twenty-five years | 27 | |
| Casual recollections of an editor | 36 | |
| Problems of majority voting | 51 | |
| The irrationality of intransitivity | 62 | |
| Entry barriers in politics | 69 | |
| Federalism : problems of scale | 78 | |
| The general irrelevance of the general impossibility theorem | 90 | |
| Why so much stability | 105 | |
| Is there a paradox of voting? | 124 | |
| A new and superior process for making social choices | 133 | |
| The demand-revealing process as a welfare indicator | 149 | |
| Demand-revealing process, coalitions, and public goods | 164 | |
| The welfare costs of tariffs, monopolies, and theft | 169 | |
| The cost of transfers | 180 | |
| More on the welfare costs of transfers | 194 | |
| Competing for aid | 199 | |
| The transitional gains trap | 212 | |
| Efficient rent seeking | 222 | |
| Rent seeking | 237 | |
| Inheritance justified | 247 | |
| Inheritance rejustified | 258 | |
| The charity of the uncharitable | 262 | |
| The rhetoric and reality of redistribution | 276 | |
| Dynamic hypothesis on bureaucracy | 297 | |
| The expanding public sector : Wagner Squared | 302 | |
| The edge of the jungle | 309 | |
| Corruption and anarchy | 323 | |
| The paradox of revolution | 329 | |
| Rationality and revolution | 341 | |
| Public and private interaction under reciprocal externality | 349 | |
| Social cost and government action | 378 | |
| Public decisions as public goods | 388 | |
| Information without profit | 394 | |
| Polluters' profits and political response : direct controls versus taxes | 412 | |
| Polluters' profits and political response : direct controls versus taxes : reply | 425 | |
| Hawks, doves, and free riders | 427 | |
| An economic approach to crime | 441 | |
| The costs of a legal system | 456 | |
| On the efficient organization of trials | 465 | |
| On the efficient organization of trials : reply to McChesney, and Ordover and Weitzman | 480 | |
| Judicial errors and a proposal for reform | 484 | |
| Court errors | 495 | |
| Legal heresy : presidential address to the western economic association annual meeting - 1995 | 509 | |
| Juries | 521 | |
| The coal tit as a careful shopper | 537 | |
| Biological externalities | 541 | |
| Biological applications for economics | 553 | |
| The economics of (very) primitive societies | 558 | |
| A (partial) rehabilitation of the public interest theory | 577 | |
| How to do well while doing good! | 589 | |
| App | Gordon Tullock : biographical note | 605 |
| App | Contents of the selected works of Gordon Tullock | 611 |
| Price | Condition | Delivery | Seller | Action |
| $99.99 | Digital |
| WonderClub |
Mark Lazor
reviewed Virginia Political Economy, Vol. 1 on February 01, 2018
Virginia Political Economy, Vol. 1
This was a very interesting book, a feminist critique of the economics profession and an early work of feminist economics. Nelson makes a strong case for economics as overly "masculinized," to its detriment. Nelson argues that economists focus on mathematical rigor at the expense of accurately and/or usefully reflecting the real world of human society.
Early in the book Nelson discusses how masculine-coded concepts in economics are rendered normatively positive and the opposite feminine-coded concepts have a negative connotation. But, she argues, this dualism can obscure other dimensions. As a simple example, take hard and soft. Hard can mean "strong" (masculine) and the opposite is soft as in weak. Strong is good and weak is bad, clearly. But hard can also mean *rigid* (masculine, bad) as opposed to *flexible* (feminine, good).
She applies this to the field of economics in various ways. An example is precise (or rigorous, mathematical). The opposite is vague. But Nelson points out another way of thinking about mathematical precision is to point out how mathematics itself is *thin*. It's content-free and the art comes in applying mathematics to the real world. Another opposite of precision, then, is *richness* of detail.
Later chapters apply this thinking to bigger problems with economics from a feminist perspective, such as the way to model the family. Male economists have thought of the family from an "altruistic head of household" perspective, which allows for some tractability at the expense of richness, specifically involving power differentials within families, need, neglect, multiple loci of agency within the family, etc.
Much of this book felt like some "inside baseball" to this non-economist reviewer. At least some of it was written more for economists than lay readers. But I liked what I understood quite a bit and hope to read Nelson's Economics for Humans at some later date.
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Add Virginia Political Economy, Vol. 1, Editor Charles Rowley calls Gordon Tullock an economist by nature rather than by training. Tullock attended a one-semester course in economics for law students at the University of Chicago but is otherwise self-taught. Tullock's background has enabled h, Virginia Political Economy, Vol. 1 to the inventory that you are selling on WonderClubX
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Add Virginia Political Economy, Vol. 1, Editor Charles Rowley calls Gordon Tullock an economist by nature rather than by training. Tullock attended a one-semester course in economics for law students at the University of Chicago but is otherwise self-taught. Tullock's background has enabled h, Virginia Political Economy, Vol. 1 to your collection on WonderClub |