Globalization and Multiculturalism Societies: Some Views from Europe Book

Devji writes about 'the Jihad' in this refreshing take, though much of the framework is reminiscent of Oliver Roy's careful and imaginative mapping of globalised Islam. Devji challenges contemporary views of the Jihad as an order/state building project and posits that much like environmentalist and anti-globalisation movements, the Jihad is an ethical action that seeks to break free from the straitjacket of politics which is dominated by the discourses of citizenship, rights, and territory. To do so, Devji embarks on an interpretivist methodology which may trouble the empiricism of many security analysts, although this isn't troubling the least if one buys into his theory, that the 'jihad' situated radically outside the conveniences and conceptions of contemporary politics. After all, rational-choice empiricism cannot account for a politics without 'intentionality', a result of globalisation much more than a result of Islam.

Devji's postulations will face many rebuke and rebuttals, given that the book was written when the Jihad was only an enterprise of Al-Qaeda's as compared to how it has branched off and seeps into the local politics of multiple regions, heralded by different authors with variegated ambitions, even if they continue to pander to pan-Muslim visions. One can foresee at least two objections to Devji's thesis. The first is that it may have given too many thought and credit to the Jihad's claim to 'absolute humanity'. Thus far, there remains very few evidence that like global environmentalism, the 'Jihad' is fashioned as a call for all humanity (though that is the premise of the faith) as it continues to struggle, communicate, and rationalise like a minority, echoing discourses of the global south and communism rather than the transcendence seen in accelerationist and singularity debates. The atavism and revanchism that trickles out of the Jihad's very modern carapace still betray its limitations as a self-referencing discourse, driving it closer to forms and modalities of group identity politics instead of anything revolutionary. For ethics is never about group justice, it is just about Justice.

Second, the eruption of the ISIS phenomenon also challenges many of Devji's ideas. The focus on state-building by the transnational terrorist group reifies the teleology that is present in jihadist discourses instead of shedding it, contrary to Devji's formulation in which martyrdom is to be conceived as a moment of 'absolute humanity, responsibility and freedom as a self-contained act shorn of all teleology'. Also, it remains to be seen if the Jihad is as 'secular' (in the sense that it is made by the 'Death of God' ethos) as Devji may claim with Graeme Wood's argument that Islamic eschatology forms the nexus of ISIS's ideology. In other words, ISIS is driven by a politics of intentionality, either through building a caliphate for the living, or to die so that the prophetic battle of the End of Times could be realised.

Even so, this does not diminish Devji's contribution in this bold and thought-provoking book. Critiques of it will inadvertently take the shape of what the book criticises, that, in trying to classify and specify the jihad, we place it within a taxonomy that limits the understanding of violence as well as that of politics. Perhaps it is a mistake to think that we can pinpoint the Jihad in terms precise and forms solidified. Perhaps the best way to think of the Jihad, close to twenty years now after September 11, is not about what its members want, or what its ideology demands, but the landscape that produces it and the one it produces. This is how the study of the jihad can be most productive, for it interrogates an 'invisible world of ethical, sexual, aesthetic, and other forms of behaviour', driving the study of jihad back to its human roots instead of trying to trace its sacred provenance. Maybe the greatest irony of the Jihad is that it can only happen after the death of God, as Devji cleverly prescribes.