Reviews for Ireland A Short History

The average rating for Ireland A Short History based on 2 reviews is 2 stars.

Review # 1 was written on 2013-09-29 00:00:00 Mark Thomas Barnes I read this book in preparation to a short trip to Ireland this fall. I would much have preferred a more detailed history but had to acquiescence to a more concentrated version for the sake of time. However, this book was successful in providing me with an important backdrop for my visit and edifying me in an understanding of the Irish and how they have influenced the United States. I was quite shocked to read of the many social disturbances and acts of violence that have characterized Ireland. Beginning in 841, the Vikings spread about Ireland, which some may point to as the genetic basis for the flaring Irish temper. However, in 1066 William of Normandy conquered and began the control over Ireland of the crown of England. This began the distinction between Anglo-Irish (the old English) and Gaelic-Irish (the original natives). Today, Irish society works to revive and sustain the old Gaelic language and customs, much of which has been lost or suppressed by British dominance. Social disturbances and violence have resulted in the present division of Ireland into The Republic of Ireland, an independent country, and Northern Ireland, which is governed by London. The partition of Ireland occurred in 1921, after the IRA (Irish Republican Army) began a guerrilla war against the British government. From reading the history, it is clear to me that these disturbances are the on-going result of seeds of injustice sown in the 16th century by English settlers, who dispossessed the locals from their land and established plantations, with the support of the British monarchy. In many ways, these plantations are not that different from those established in the United States, which benefited from exploitation of forced labor, and which similarly kindled social unrest that festered over time. As the British so supported the Confederacy in the U.S. Civil war, so they supported the Plantations in Ireland. Without attempting to recount the entire history in this short review, suffice it to say that much violence and social unrest has occurred in Ireland since the 16th century as a result of continued dispossession of locals from their land and the conflicts between English Protestants and the local Catholic population. It is interesting to explore the “Grace” versus “Works” differences between these two theologies in light of the exploitations performed by the Protestants upon the local Catholic peasantry. The Protestant emphasis upon “Grace” provides release from the sin/guilt of social exploitation and the Catholic emphasis upon “Works” calls for social justice to relieve their plight. In the late 17th century and early 18th century, the Protestants passed legislation to prevent Catholics from voting, becoming lawyers, being officers in the armed forces, or owning land. They also required governmental employees to openly deny ‘transubstantiation’ and ‘adoration’ of the Virgin Mary. The entire Irish population, regardless of religious affiliation, had to pay tithes to the Anglican Church until 1833. The result of being a colony of Britain was that Ireland was kept poor and the poorest were those who were the least able to interact with the ruling Protestant class: the Catholics. It occurs to me that so much of the history of all nations is a struggle against domination and exploitation by others. Invariably, freedom is often lost because of the few that impose themselves upon the many. Irish poverty was exacerbated to the point of starvation during the potato famines of the mid-late 19th century, during which a million or more people perished. Other millions emigrated in order to survive (about 3 million to the U.S. and about 1 million to Britain). Conservative governments, especially in Britain, were suddenly confronted with whether or not to provide social welfare to relive the suffering. At the cost of many lives due to starvation, the conservative laissez-faire policies were ultimately unveiled to be barbaric. And even in the face of this, some of the soup kitchens that were eventually established demanded people convert to Protestantism before giving them food. The famines placed the possibility of emigration permanently in the Irish mind and emigration continues to this day. Because of its poor response, the resentment of the British in Ireland was exacerbated by the famines. Catholics felt they had suffered in the famine because of British-Protestant indifference and Protestants felt that Providence had spared them from hunger precisely because they were not Catholic. Regardless, the fact is that millions died of hunger in the midst of abundance in a neighboring country; and it was abundance the peasantry had helped to create by their serf-like labors over the years! Much more could have been done to relieve suffering if only the political will to do had existed. The reality is that the liberal ideology to respond to these conditions simply wasn’t yet in place. The Irish Republican Army arose again in 1956, in Northern Ireland, where segregation and discrimination against Catholics continued. Protestants demonstrated against the lowering of the flag over Belfast City Hall to half-mast on the death of Pope John XXIII in 1963. Much violence occurred in Northern Ireland in the 1960’s and there was a continuation of IRA terrorism. The IRA again declared war on the British in 1969. In 1972 thirteen civilians were shot dead by British Army paratroopers during a banned civil rights demonstration. This has become known as “Bloody Sunday”. Massive protests against these killings were held across Ireland and the British Embassy in Dublin was burned down. The internationally popular Irish rock band U2 released a song entitled “Sunday Bloody Sunday” on its 1983 album “War”, which describes the horror of the troubles in Northern Ireland. The song has since become widely recognized around the world as a social protest tune and the band has ascended to international prominence. The Irish have been leaders in the development of cutting-edge music and the streets and pubs are densely littered with aspiring musicians. The Irish Republic joined the European Union in 1978-79, with the idea that it would free the country from dependence upon British economic influence and open markets in other countries. The population grew rapidly to nearly 3,500,000. Contraception, which had been long banned, was first permitted in 1979 and censorship of indecent books was relaxed. Condoms were made legal in 1985. However, divorce and abortion were still banned. The ban against divorce was affirmed in a 1986 referendum and upheld by 63.5% to 36.5%. In the 1980's there were several cases of reported visitations by the Virgin Mary in the form of statues that moved, smiled and even spoke. In 2002 Ireland began using the Euro for currency. In 1985 Margaret Thatcher signed the Anglo-Irish Agreement, which was approved by both London and Dublin and recognized the right of the majority of the people in Northern Ireland to determine their own governance. It is interesting that British domination of India similarly resulted in the division of that country, just as Ireland is now so divided. Frankly, Ireland is a microcosm in which social grievance has been consolidated into a boiling caldron of conflict. Conflicts between the British and the Irish, Southern Ireland and Northern Ireland, those seeking a sovereign Ireland and those wanting unity with Britain, Protestants and Catholics, capitalists and workers, peasants and masters, etc. Many have wondered if violence is so much a part of the lives and consciousness of Irish people that it could never be eliminated. Ireland is certainly a microcosm within which we have been able to test peaceful solutions. What works to mend the extreme diversities in Ireland may very well work to mend social disturbances in the rest of the world. To succeed, such a solution must reach to the heart of religion, politics, and social status. It has to be a solution so powerful that none can deny its correctness. It has to be a heart of righteousness, central to basic human decency that fully transcends any desire to harm others because they have violated some religious ritual, political boundary, or social grievance. At its center is the power of forgiveness. Without this heart, the people are like the zombies of war and terrorism referred to by the popular Irish band: ‘The Cranberries’, from Limerick, Ireland. As I stood in the town square of Limerick, I struck up a conversation with three bitter Irishmen that I found just sitting on a wall, drinking beer and smoking cigarettes. It was like talking to someone through a veil or smokescreen, but it clarified for me the radical nature of ‘The Cranberries” protest song: "Zombie". The song doesn’t protest the “events” of violence as much as it protests the ridiculous “state of mind” of a populace who indeed, like zombies, march to the beat of some narrow-minded political or theological agenda, imagining the movement of statues, at the expense of being less attuned to Righteousness. Local Kilkenny Irishmen

Review # 2 was written on 2018-07-07 00:00:00 Danny Bryant This is indeed a short history, and it gave me what I was looking for while browsing at Hodges Figgis my last full day in Dublin: a brief overview of Irish history that wouldn't add too many pages to my backlog of books to read. The most interesting thing about this history was that Coohill takes great pains to show you alternative takes on major events. Each chapter ends with an "Interpretations" section telling you how different schools of historical thought, over the years, have portrayed, for example, the English response to the Irish famine. That part's especially useful if you've just been traveling in Ireland, because the Irish tour guides (understandably) paint England in the harshest light in regards to the famine. Coohill gives some balance. The book's brevity (again, what I was looking for) means that a lot of the spice of history -- the individual personalities, the scenes in battle or in political debate -- get cut in favor of broad strokes. That can make things a little dry, but I don't know how you avoid that trade-off in something so intentionally short. It delivers what it promises.