Reviews for The winged destiny; Studies in the spiritual history of the Gael

The average rating for The winged destiny; Studies in the spiritual history of the Gael based on 2 reviews is 4.5 stars.

Review # 1 was written on 2009-01-05 00:00:00 DAVID LAMPARSKI After reading James Ford Rhodes' (May 1st, 1848 - January 22nd, 1927) Pulitzer Prize winning one volume "History of the Civil War 1861-1865" I was so impressed with his impartial and readable narrative that I immediately sought out the first volume of his eight volume "History of the United States - From the Compromise of 1850 to the McKinley-Bryan Campaign of 1896". For the most part, I have not disappointed as this has proven to be an equally compelling, and in many ways superior historical work. However, this first volume does have a significant chapter which does not meet the standards which Rhodes has set with the rest of this work. Originally published by "The MacMillan Company" in 1892 the title of the work is perhaps a bit misleading as this volume uses about one third of its content to cover the period prior to the compromise. However, the abbreviated history for the period prior to the compromise is focused solely on events which relate directly to the compromise, i.e. slavery and the words and acts of the founders of the United States with regards to that horrible institution. Chapter one covers the history of slavery in the colonies up to the inauguration of Zachary Taylor in 1848. It is a thorough covering of the topic from the initial introduction of slaves into the colonies, through the attitude towards blacks in the colonies during the Revolutionary War and the attitudes of Washington, Jefferson, Franklin and others towards slavery. Rhodes discusses the abolishment of slavery in the initial states, as well as Jefferson's proposed ordinance of 1784 and the actual ordinance of 1787 which was thought to have been enough to result in the gradual elimination of slavery. Rhodes also discusses the effect of the cotton-gin and how it revived slavery and turned it into an economic necessity for the southern states. Rhodes details the Fugitive Slave law of 1793, the Missouri Compromise, and the emergence of important figures both on the pro-slavery side, such as John C. Calhoun, and on the anti-slavery side, such as Daniel Webster. Also important in this initial chapter are the attempts by the southern states to increase their power to maintain the balance between North and South through bringing Texas into the Union and how they tried to push for slavery in the territories of New Mexico and California. Chapter two covers from the inauguration of Taylor up to the compromise of 1850. Key to this section are the attitudes of the country in the North and South and how they changed and reacted to the events which shaped the compromise. Also key are the speeches by key figures, and Rhodes gives a good summary with large quoted sections from key speeches by Calhoun, Webster, Henry Clay, and William H. Seward. Other key events during this period are also discussed, such as the Nashville convention, the changing of perception toward slavery by President Taylor, and his untimely death and the presidency of Millard Fillmore. Of course, the compromise itself is the most important part of this chapter, and Rhodes is very thorough in his discussion of the compromise, how it played in the country, with the political parties, and detailed discussion on its most controversial aspect, the Fugitive Slave law which was part of the compromise. Chapter three starts by covering some key historical events which took place during the same period as the compromise, but which Rhodes left out of chapter two in order to maintain the focus of the discussion there on the compromise itself. Rhodes then covers the initial impact of the compromise and a couple examples of the attempted implementation of the Fugitive Slave law in the North. The desire of many in the South to acquire Cuba is also discussed. Rhodes also does well in keeping the reader informed on key changes in figures in Congress, such as the arrival of Charles Sumner and Benjamin F. Wade. At this point Rhodes goes into a great amount of detail on the visit to the United States of Kossuth the brave yet failed leader of the Hungarian independence movement. His initial reception in New York had people comparing him to Washington and Lafyette, though his request for U.S. support against Austria and specifically Russian involvement on the side of the Austrians saw his support fade away quickly, at least as far as the United States directly intervening in the conflict was concerned. It is an interesting footnote in U.S. history, which has largely faded into obscurity now, but which clearly had a large impact at the time. The focus is then returned to the political struggle, this time within each of the major parties at the time. The discussion of the Democratic Party's selection of Franklin Pierce shows how divided the party was along the lines of North and South, and yet the strong support for the compromise counters that perception and shows how united they were in that one area. On the other hand, Winford Scott's selection by the Whig's was a disaster which ultimately destroyed the party. Rhodes' discussion of these areas is solid and complete as usual. Rhodes also covers the deaths of Clay and Webster and the impact on the country. This chapter finishes with Pierce's winning the White House as well as a discussion of the opinion of Fillmore's administration, both at the time and then again some years down the road. Chapter four is very out-of-place compared to the rest of the work. Here, Rhodes delves into the state of slavery and relies on a lot of hearsay type evidence to make some broad pronouncements about the way things were. It is clear from the way it is written that Rhodes is very passionate on the subject, but this is a sharp contrast to the rest of his history for which he maintains a balanced tone. It is also a difficult section to read, as one comes face-to-face with the horrible treatment of slaves, as well as the ignorant opinions of many of the most respected men of the time and from our earlier history. Yet, that problem would be well worth going through if it were done in a reasonable way. However, there is a point where Rhodes makes his own very ignorant statements regarding blacks, and that detracts as well from the reading. It certainly reminds the reader of how dated the opinions being expressed are, not only from the time of slavery, but also from the time of Rhodes. The chapter is not completely without merit, as Rhodes does discuss the disparity between rich and poor whites in the South, as well as the somewhat unexplained support to maintain the status quote which the rich white slave-owners received from the poor white voters, many of which didn't own any slaves. He also touches on how the poor whites seemed to abuse the slaves above and beyond what the slave-owners did, as if it was the one thing they enjoyed in their lives. However, this aspect of the chapter may suffer from the same bias that Rhodes showed in the first part of the chapter. Chapter 5 returns to the more balanced telling of history. Here he covers Pierce's inauguration, the formation of his cabinet with key members Jefferson Davis and William Marcy, as well as key ambassadors James Buchanan and Pierre Soulé. Chapter five then discusses the major events which happened during Pierce's term. Events such as the yellow fever in New Orleans, the Crystal Palace Exhibition, and most important the Kansas-Nebraska bill pushed by Stephen A. Douglas which put an end to the Missouri Compromise and the major effect it had on everything which came after. Chapter 6 is the only chapter which has a title, which is "Pierce's Administration". This chapter covers some of the activities of the administration. Included here are Marcy's decision to change the dress of the U.S. ambassadors, the Gadsden treaty with Mexico and the Reciprocity treaty with Canada. The biggest activity though was the attempt to get control of Cuba from Spain, which almost led to a war between the two countries. Rhodes also provides an interesting point to think about in comparing what the South could have gained with Cuba and what they gained with the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Ultimately, the latter probably denied the south the big prize they wanted, as it united the North in opposition to the spread of slavery. Were it not for chapter 4, this would be a five-star history. Unfortunately, that chapter does detract significantly from the overall work. Rhodes does an excellent job for the other five chapters of providing a detailed history, first just of the history of slavery in the U.S., and then a more complete history starting with the 1850 compromise.

Review # 2 was written on 2013-10-19 00:00:00 Todd Romaniw The author has tried to be sarcastic. Makes an uninteresting reading. Skip, if you have choice !