Reviews for Dumping in Dixie

The average rating for Dumping in Dixie based on 2 reviews is 3 stars.

Review # 1 was written on 2014-02-05 00:00:00 Bonnie Lindsay Dumping in the Dixie Robert Bullard’s compelling book “Dumping in the Dixie” was a path breaking call for environmental justice in US. Dumping in Dixie begins from a basic premise of equity, fairness and social justice. Bullard articulates throughout the book the co-existence of environmental and social justice not as isolated entities but correlated principles necessary for a basic right to live in a clean environment. Dumping in Dixie chronicles the efforts of five African American communities, in Southern America, namely Houston’s Northwood Manor (Texas), West Dallas (Texas), Institute (West Virginia), Emelle – Sumter County (Alabama), and Alsen (Louisiana). Empowered by the civil rights movement, to link environmentalism with issues of social justice. Bullard depicts with empirical evidence how environmental quality is distributed along the lines of power, class and race. The inspiration for the seminal work came as a part of law suit filed by Bullard’s wife to study the spatial location of municipal solid waste disposal facilities in Houston. Further research proved that these garbage dump yards seemed to be in those regions which followed the path of least resistance; generally those of the Blacks. At the heart of this book are questions about distributional equity and how it lead to the evolution of environmentalism of the Blacks. Distributional Equity The roots of environmental movements among the Blacks stemmed from a basic realisation of the “fairness issue”. Access to a clean and healthy environment seems to be increasingly distributed along the hierarchies of power existing within the system, that power which remained only in white hands. Vulnerability to a hazardous situation and feeble capacity to resile has been viewed here as manifest in the marginalisation of a large section of society their fragile living conditions and lack of access to basic services. While institutions mediate access to environmental entitlements, environmental justice literature asserts that the distribution of these are mediated by unequal power structures embedded within the institutional structures in the society. “Interests of all white industrial boards, zoning commissions and government regulatory bodies run counter to those of the black community”. (Bullard, 2000, p. 31). It was seen that even with increasing income middle income blacks are also confronted to the same issues. The existence of institutional barriers limit mobility. So here it’s not a matter of wealth but mostly that of race. The Blacks bear disproportionate burden of environmental hazards while receiving less than their share of environmental entitlements. As Bullard describes throughout the book the emergence of Black environmentalism focused on equity and deprivation. Boyce’s framework on environmental degradation seems relevant here. He argues that environmental degradation comes about to large degree because society's winners are able to impose costs on the losers (Boyce, 2007). Boyce also argues that the main reason why this is happening is because the loser’s in spite of knowing the extent of damage caused, is powerless to take remedial action. (ibid). Dumping in the Dixie proves this empirically by explaining with case studies how waste disposal facilities were sited. Bullard states that siting decisions were no accident and indeed the path of least resistance was followed. Out of 8 garbage incinerators in Houston, 6 of them were in black neighbourhoods and one was in a Hispanic neighbourhood. All 5 of the city landfills were also in black neighbourhood. “The unequal sharing of benefit and burden engenders feelings of unfair treatment and reinforces racial and class distinction”. (Bullard, 2000, p. 88). There are three possibilities that a facility is sited exactly because of its demographics. a) The targeted neighbourhood is economically depressed and may be willing to accept a potential hazardous facility as it promises, jobs taxes, long range renewal and stabilisation b)The people are poor and political less able to resist siting c)The neighbourhood is targeted only out of racial prejudice and discrimination (Szasz & Meuser, 1997). The siting of waste disposal facilities in all five communities described here adheres to all these criteria. The lure of jobs was one of the coaxing element in convincing these communities to accept the disposal facilities. The results of the household survey in the five communities also showed that the greatest pro-job sentiments were registered from the residents of West Dallas and Emelle the two poorest communities. The author also questions the ethics behind compensation of the victims. He raises a few questions like is it ethically correct to force someone to accept certain risks by paying for it. ). For e.g. the West Dallas residents were exposed to lead poisoning for five decades from a smelter. After long and bitter legal battles $ 20 million was paid as compensation. But does it actually compensate for the health hazards imposed on the children? “Should risks be borne by a smaller group to spare the larger groups? (Bullard, 2000, p. 106). Environmentalism of the Blacks With a detailed description of the setting of discrimination, deprivation and marginalisation of the Blacks Bullard goes on to explain how environmentalism and environmental concerns arose among the blacks. In the first chapter Bullard describes the nature of environmentalism in the US dominated by the cult of wilderness, efficient and sustainable use of natural resources etc. However environmental justice fights against the alleged disproportionate dumping of toxic waste or exposure to different sorts of environmental risk in areas of predominantly African-American, Hispanic or native American populations employing the language of racial discrimination in contrast to the language of externalities employed by economists and mainstream environmentalists.(Martʹinez-Alier, 2002). The "environmentalism of the poor," which has as its main interest "not a sacred reverence for Nature but a material interest in the environment as a source and a requirement for livelihood; not so much a concern with the rights of other species and of future generations of humans as a concern for today’s poor humans (ibid). The unequal incidence of environmental harm gives birth to environmental movements of the poor and in this case the environmentalism of the Blacks. The rise of an environmental consciousness was a new phenomenon, mostly in the 1980s which ushered in a new area of cooperation between environmental and social justice groups among the blacks. It evolved out of the civil rights movement. Struggles of Blacks against environmental racism in the US, where local political mobilization typically takes place through churches and community organizations, rather than through mainstream environmental organisations. The book is woven around the story of how blacks have united against the institutional barriers of racism and classism to secure their right to live in a clean and healthy environment. Black environmentalism emerged from the civil rights movement as they viewed environmental rights as an extension of their civil rights and as a question of equity and fairness. Their focus itself alienated the grass root environmental groups of the Blacks from the mainstream environmental groups who had other priorities. The Black people were totally absent from governing bodies of Sierra Club and other main environmental organisations. Bullard also argues that since the focus of Black environmentalism is on toxics and the notion of deprivation their convergence with the mainstream environmental groups is difficult. However the grass root environmentalism among the Blacks became successful about alerting the communities and create an awareness. There were also success stories in getting policy decisions or legal rulings in their favour. What is more important is that a clear signal was send out that any more environmental degradation and oppression will not be tolerated in silence and they are determined to give a tough fight. Conclusion Although an academic himself Bullard talks in the language of an activist. The book is definitely a thought provoking piece for any reader. Bullard brings to light all aspects of the problem ranging from the socio economic conditions of the Blacks, their access to institutions to being targeted for waste plant siting’s. He then traces the roots of emergence of environmentalism among the Blacks and its distinction from the mainstream environmental problems. The book ends by suggesting measures to materialise environmental justice in the true sense. I really find it hard to point out some criticism in the book. A few points that could have been addressed are listed. Even though the evidence presented through the case studies provides a compelling case for environmental justice a comparative study with a white neighbourhood probably a poor one would have made the case of class deprivation and racial deprivation clearer. A detailed account of the health status of these communities could also have revealed a clearer picture on the extend of harm. However none of these are significant criticisms that can undermine the powerful and compelling story of environmental racism presented here. As Bullard himself puts it, “Environmental racism is real; it is not merely an invention of wild eyed sociologists or radical environmental activists. It is just as real as the racism found in the housing industry, educational institutions, the employment arena and judicial system.” (Bullard, 2000). References Martʹinez-Alier, J. (2002). The environmentalism of the poor: a study of ecological conflict and valuation. Edward Elgar. Boyce, J. K. (2007). Is inequality bad for the environment? Research in Social Problems and Public Policy, 15, 267–288. Bullard, R. D. (2000). Dumping in Dixie: race, class, and environmental quality. Boulder, Colo: Westview Press. Szasz, A., & Meuser, M. (1997). Environmental Inequalities: Literature Review and Proposals for New Directions in Research and Theory. Current Sociology, 45(3), 99–120. doi:10.1177/001139297045003006

Review # 2 was written on 2012-08-20 00:00:00 Lisa Kravetsky I had some trouble getting through this book, as to me it read more like a technical report than something the average person could pick up and read. But it did provide some thought provoking issues related to location of environmentall hazards and minority populations.