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Reviews for The Nationalization of American Political Parties, 1880-1896

 The Nationalization of American Political Parties magazine reviews

The average rating for The Nationalization of American Political Parties, 1880-1896 based on 2 reviews is 3 stars.has a rating of 3 stars

Review # 1 was written on 2012-08-21 00:00:00
2010was given a rating of 3 stars James Culverhouse
Although written almost 150 years ago, Henry Adams' histories of the United States in the early 1800s still rank among the best of this period of history. His volume on the era of the Madison administration is dominated by a history of the War of 1812 and provides a lesson of why the 2nd amendment was included in the Constitution. Few Americans know much of anything about the War of 1812. Quotes like Commodore Perry's "We have met the enemy, and they are ours," Captain Lawrence's dying words "Don't give up the ship," or Winfield Scott's invocation of "those damned Yankees" are interesting trivia. It was the rise of the age of schooners that later gave birth to the America's Cup. The White House burned and Andrew Jackson's political career was born at the Battle of New Orleans. It was also an era of American sectional division, which Adams summed up poetically: "At the beginning of the year 1814, the attitude of New England pleased no one, and perhaps annoyed most the New England people themselves, who were conscious of showing neither dignity, power, courage, nor intelligence." But a long-forgotten legacy of the war was that it was the first of many eras in which the Constitution was tested and "violated more frequently by its friends than by its enemies." We find ourselves in just such quandary today when it comes to the willful misinterpretations of the 2nd amendment: "A well-regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of the State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed." Today's 2nd amendment fetishists prefer a selective reading, valuing willful fiction over actual history. If they care about the difference, they should give Adams a try. In its early history, the United States was fragile, teetering on the precipice of failure as a nation. It had a weak standing army, no navy to speak of, and mostly relied on the formation of citizen militias in the event of war against foreign nation or Native Americans. For this to work citizens had to have the right to keep weapons; the government had no stockpiles on which to rely. The 2nd amendment was also never intended to provide citizens with the means to overthrow some mythical tyrannical American government; it was designed to give citizens the tools needed that were "necessary to the security of the State." It was designed to protect government, not undermine it. The War of 1812 was the first'and only'time the idea of "A well-regulated Militia" was ever put to the test. And it was mostly a failure. As Adams chronicles, Americans won the war largely in spite of themselves. Thanks to some strategic victories, British support lines that were unsustainably long and skillful diplomacy by John Quincy Adams, the United States was able to prevail. But it also led to the formation of a stronger standing Army, which saw its first major action a few decades later in the Mexican War. The idea of "well-regulated Militia[s]" became obsolete, as did, with time, a rational reading and understanding of the 2nd amendment. As I watch the perversion of the 2nd amendment used as a basis to justify daily destruction and carnage in the United States, I often think of this account of the War of 1812. Henry Adams reminds us of why history is important to contemporary life. Agendas built on historical ignorance can be deadly.
Review # 2 was written on 2016-12-05 00:00:00
2010was given a rating of 3 stars Brant Capshaw
Just as amazing and insightful as his first volume on the Jefferson administrations, Henry Adams proves that he is as good in war as he is in peace. As this history revolves around the Madison administrations and, hence, the War of 1812, it is only natural that he should spend much of the book discussing the land and sea battles of that war. But what I didn't fully expect, and what most other readers may not fully expect, is how good he is at it. I found myself cheering when our navy harrassed the all-powerful British navy with its better guns and faster ships, just as I found myself screaming at the incompetence of General Winder at Bladensburg, which would lead to the torching of Washington. And Adams's ending chapters on how far America had progressed in terms of character, intellect, and culture both leaves the reader (when contrasted with the first chapters of Adams's previous volume on the same topics) in wonder of the short period of time in which Americans adapted and hopeful about our own future. Again, the sheer length of this book (over 1300 pages) will deter the general reader, but for any and all American history buffs, this and Adams's previous volume is a must read.


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