Reviews for Germany since Unification, Second Edition: The Development of the Berlin Republic

The average rating for Germany since Unification, Second Edition: The Development of the Berlin Republic based on 2 reviews is 4 stars.

Review # 1 was written on 2012-12-31 00:00:00 Stephen Kostovich This is a must for anyone interested in contextualizing the crisis of (mass) incarceration. Gilmore seamlessly integrates geography, political economy, and a deep study of anti-Black racism to present how states do race as a way to manage populations. Gilmore has been a leading light in abolitionist movements because of this precise and trenchant critique of what race actually is. In so many ways she provides the grammar, the very foundation which has been so helpful in articulating contemporary inequality. Here are some of my favorite quotes: Prisons as geographic solutions: "Prisons are partial geographic solutions to political economic crises, organized by the state, which is itself in crisis. Crisis means instability that can be fixed only through radical measures, which include developing new relationships and new or renovated institutions out of what already exists" (26) State-building through prison making: "The new state built itself in part by building prisons. It used the ideological and material means at hand to do so, renovating its welfare-warfare capacities into something different by molding surplus finance capital, land, and labor into the workfare-warfare state. The result was an emerging apparatus that, in an echo of the Cold War Pentagon's stance on communism, presented its social necessity in terms of an impossible goal - containment of crime, understood as an elastic category spanning a dynamic alleged continuum of dependency and depravation. The crisis of state capacity then became, peculiarly, its own solution, as the welfare-warfare state began the transformation, bit by bit, to the permanent crisis workfare-warfare state, whose domestic militarism is concretely recapitulated in the landscapes of depopulated urban communities and rural prison towns." (85-86) Dehumanization: "Dehumanization names the deliberate, as well as the mob-frenzied, ideological displacements central to any group's ability to annihilate another in the name of territory, wealth, ethnicity, religion. Dehumanization is also a necessary factor in the acceptance that millions of people (sometimes including oneself) should spend part or all of their lives in cages. In the contemporary world, racism is the ordinary means through which dehumanization achieves ideological normality, while, at the same time, the practice of dehumanizing people produces racial categories….the process it not biological, however, but rather the outcome of fatal encounters that ground contemporary political culture (243) Racism: "Racism is the state-sanctioned and/or extralegal production and exploitation of group-differentiated vulnerability to premature death. Prison expansion is a new iteration of this theme. Prisons and other locally unwanted land use accelerate the mortality of modestly educated working people of all kinds in urban and rural settings and shows how economic and environmental justice are central to antiracism" (243) Racism: "Racism is the ordinary means through which dehumanization achieves ideological normality, while, at the same time, the practice of dehumanizing people produces racial categories…This culture, in turn, is based on the modern secular state's dependence on classification, combined with militarism as a means through which classification maintains coherence" (243-44). Power: "Power is not a thing but rather a capacity composed of active and changing relationships enabling a person, group, or institution to compel others to do things they would not do on their own" (245-246)

Review # 2 was written on 2011-12-03 00:00:00 Gabrielle Ellis This is written by an activist trying to answer questions asked by mothers fighting for the lives of their children in prison, and grappling with the theory behind her work, so you know I loved it. I found it quite challenging though, and I'm still thinking about how she frames the political economy of prisons and how that intersects with race. In a nutshell, she argues that "...prisons are partial geographical solutions to political economic crises, organized by the state, which is itself in crisis" [26]. She draws on the work of Hall and Schwartz in how she thinks about and defines crisis: "Crisis occurs when the social formation can no longer be reproduced on the basis of the pre-existing system of social relations" a very technical definition I must confess. But essentially it means that change has to happen, the system of social relations or the social formation must shift. She argues that one way (maybe the only way, I'm out of my depth but I imagine one way) for society to find itself in such a crisis is through the build-up of surpluses. Capitalism depends on a cycle of accumulation of goods and their sale at a profit, it goes into crisis when goods simply accumulate. This crisis is not simply economic, but also political and social. In examining the political economy of California, she find four key surpluses provoking crisis. The state could have chosen different ways to resolve these surpluses, but instead they chose to embark on the largest prison building program the world has ever seen. So this is the crux, the four surpluses are (in highly simplified form) finance capital: investors specialising in public debt were having a hard time getting bonds through, they had money and couldn't lend it to a very large and wealthy government land: given drought, debt and development, farmers have increasingly been withdrawing irrigated land from production - ceasing to invest in irrigation infrastructure as it is no longer economically feasible. In addition there are large amounts of surplus land in and around depressed towns throughout California, together with high unemployment. labour: manufacturing left, and hit poor communities of colour the hardest. The increasing number of prisoners has kept pace, and in many ways controlled, the rising levels of unemployment, and the highest percentage of prisoners comes from those areas with the highest levels of unemployment state capacity: with the tax revolt that took place in California in the 1970s, the state was forced into crisis by lack of funds and lack of mandate to redistribute wealth through programs and services, while still maintaining it's bureaucratic architecture. The State needed some other way to maintain that architecture. And thus, prisons. More of them than anyone has ever seen. The rest of the book is looking at why these surpluses resulted in this particular solution. It's certainly a deeper and more complex argument than many of the prevailing ideas that she outlines: crime went up, we cracked down; drug epidemic; structural changes in employment opportunities; privatization of prison functions and the search for profit; provision of rural jobs and development; reform. It accounts for all of these things really, drawing them all into a more complex story. She also draws on Hall and Gramsci to analyse perceptions and changing definitions of crime. I like her take on ideology: Such change is not just a shift in ideas or vocabulary or frameworks, but rather in the entire structure of meanings and feelings (the lived ideology, or "taking to heart") through which we actively understand the world and place our actions in it (Williams 1961). Ideology matters along its entire continuum, from common sense ("where people are at") to philosophies (where people imagine the coherence of their understanding comes from: Jesus, Mohammed, the Buddha, Marx, Malcolm X, the market)." [243] Her invocation of race is also interesting: As the example of racism suggests, institutions are sets of hierarchical relationships (structures) that persist across time (Martinot 2003) undergoing, as we have seen in the case of prisons, periodic reform. Racism, specifically, is the state-sanctioned or extralegal production and exploitation of group-differentiated vulnerability to premature death. [28] I have often seen this quoted, but usually in addition to other definitions. It is curious that she relates it solely to premature death, I'm trying to wrap my head around that, why you would limit it to that, whether that doesn't leave important things out. I suppose life and death is the most important question after all. She also includes a chapter that tries to grapple with the lived experience of how such a political economy of prisons and race intersects, what that means to people over and above it's roots in political economy: From the mothers' vantage point, we can see how prison expansion and opposition to it are part of the long history of African-Americans and others whose struggle for liberation in the racial state has never achieved even a fully unfettered capacity to be free labor. The development of political responses to legal dilemmas indicates how profoundly incapacitation deepens, rather than solves, social crisis. This chapter ... personalizes and generalizes the morally intolerable (Kent 1972) to highlight objective and subjective dimensions of the expansion of punishment and prisons, the demise of the weak welfare state, and the capacity of everyday people to organize and lead themselves. [185] I like how this is done, but found it hard to connect it theoretically to the sections that preceded it on political economy, it almost felt like a world and story apart. But that might be a reflection of my own experience in how hard it is to bring these two worlds together. I am also thinking through her comments on activism and scholarship, activism and power. She uses Gramsci in a way I hadn't thought of and like immensely: On the contrary, in scholarly research, answers are only as good as the further questions they provoke, while for activists, answers are as good as the tactics they make possible. [27] grassroots organization should be the kind that "renovates and makes critical already-existing activities" of both action and analysis to build a movement (Gramsci 1971: 330-31) Ordinarily, activists focus on taking power, as though the entire political setip were really a matter of "it" (Structure) versus "us" (agncy). But if the structure-agency opposition isn't how things really work, then perhaps politics is more complicated, and therefore open to more hopeful action. People can and do make power through, for example, developing capacities in organizations. But that's not enough, becayse all an individual organization can do is tweak Armageddon. When the capacities resulting from purposeful action are combined toward ends greater than mission statements or other provisional limits, powerful alignments begin to shake the grounds. In other words, movement happens. [248]