British Infantryman in South Africa 1877-81 (Warrior Series), Vol. 83 Book

This is an analytical book that is peppered with anecdotes and nuggets of understanding of modern South Africa. It looks at contemporary South Africa from Mandela to Zuma and asks if the country - and the ANC - has what it takes to give up its 'revolutionary' past and move forward to make it a country for all.
The book commends Mandela's visionary leadership to steer the country through hatred and turbulence towards shores of reconciliation. It is obvious that would never have been easy to succeed a saint - and this early realization has come to be proved right. Mandela's era focussed on transformation from divisions to unity and while the spirit of apartheid is by far not dead, the miracle of peace and progress in that direction is impressive. He also governed with a deep sense of idealism. His unflinching support to judiciary built it into the institution it is. He shunned reverse apartheid. In forgiving anyone who came forward and confessed his or her crimes committed during the apartheid era to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission presided over by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, the country under him displayed a large-heartedness that is unprecedented. It must be said though that not all blacks supported such generosity. But his towering presence pushed the idea through.
Mandela, however, was not perfect. He had an autocratic streak, he was too willing to accommodate even the inefficient under his "big tent" and he ignored (during his presidency) the AIDS pandemic. He was also a politician at heart who had to make his share of grubby compromises with businessmen.
Thabo Mbeki who succeeded him (even though Mandela had misgivings about him) was an academic and an intellectual who - it appears - wanted to reverse many of Mandela's policies. He believed that time for fuzzy nationalism was over. He, however, did not prove to be a success. He was intolerant of criticism, not open to change, vindictive and somewhat out of touch with the common man. His biggest failure was his persistent refusal to recognize AIDS as a serious problem. Based on his studies and the 'findings' of activists who believed that HIV did not cause AIDS and anti-retroviral treatment was unnecessary, he probably consigned many to an early death. His 'denial' and obduracy caused a situation that has been described as genocide.
The transition from a white rule to black empowerment has not been easy. It is a work in progress with goals still far away. The ANC activists who had fought for freedom from apartheid found that the task of governance was very different and difficult. ANC was a democratic party and the new MPs were more prone to debating each issue than the white MPs ever had been. For the former rulers, getting the job done was more important than endless debates; the new set of legislatures made process the king. The party also focussed on maintaining unity - a throwback from the days of the struggle. This has led to slow and ponderous decision making based on consensus. The unity has largely held and the only major exceptions have been the struggle for power between Zuma and Mbeki and the breaking away of Congress of People or COPE in 2008.
The other problem that the party has faced is its relationship with business. While, by embracing capitalism, the ANC proved its critics wrong, many of its members have had an equation with business that can only be described as unsavoury. Zuma himself has been tried - and acquitted on technicalities - for accepting millions of Rand from a businessman 'friend'. Indeed, Zuma was fired by Mbeki once the charges were levelled in court and, in turn, Mbeki was 'recalled' by the party from the post of nation's presidency once the court ruled that he had interfered with due process of law against Zuma.
There were other transgressions. ANC dismantled Scorpions, a highly effective if controversial police and investigation force, once it began to unearth skeletons in the cupboards of ANC leaders. Mbeki also controlled SABC - the state run media - in a manner that can hardly be described as democratic. Under Mbeki, parliament too became a rubber-stamp.
After the end of apartheid, the country has faced many difficulties in maintaining the growth curve. Many Whites were asked to leave - handsome compensations were awarded - so that Blacks could rise. But the lack of expertise among blacks has posed major challenges. Given the fact that, when it came to education, Blacks had been hugely disadvantaged this was no surprise. Even teachers were not available in Black schools and Whites continued to send their children to exclusive private schools. Some even moved out of the country. Though there have been improvements in the lot of the poor and some visible symbols such as shiny malls have come up in Black areas, the divide between the rich and the poor has widened.
Crime is one of South Africa's biggest issues. It is a legacy of the days of apartheid, argue some, because the violence in the society coupled with lack of education and employment came from that period. Most people blame the levels of crime on poverty, inequality and the brutal culture of apartheid. The fact is that parts of the country - particularly the area of Johannesburg-Pretoria and Eastern Cape - have eight times the level of violence as compared to the US and twenty times of Western Europe. Brutality is the hallmark of the violence in the country. Mob lynching and mafia style killings are not unknown. Police is inadequate, corrupt and largely ineffective. It is no wonder that private security business is worth many billion dollars. In some ways, government has lived in denial over this too and blamed it on perceptions of 'White racists'.
Many Afrikaners did not believe that a majority-led rule will be a possibility, much less desirable. But gradually, the view is changing. The Nationalist Party even dissolved itself and merged with the ANC. The Democratic Party is now the main opposition. Many Afrikaners worry about the dilution of their culture. They have, however, largely kept their head down by staying out of politics to make known their grievance. Most have focussed on making money instead.
After the end of apartheid, many new 'Randlords' have appeared on the scene. Some have developed wealth with genuine entrepreneurship. Yet, most others, are beneficiaries of the Black Economic Empowerment or BEE. The transfer of business stakes to Blacks was at the heart of the policies of majority government. It is obvious, however, that it is the former politicians who have gained the most from this policy. The newly rich Blacks complain that their flashy lifestyles and not their achievements are highlighted by the media and others.
Land reform is another area of potential strife. Blacks were asked to file claims by 1998 for their land that had been forcibly taken by the Whites. The distribution of land, however, has been slow and problematic. An even bigger challenge has been to support Blacks who have become the new landlords - without expertise and loans, they have been able to achieve little in an enterprise that was dominated by the Whites. Some fear that if progress is not made on this front, Zimbabwe style invasion may be mounted by the dispossessed.
Mbeki has now been replaced by Jacob Zuma, the "100 percent" Zulu boy. Unlike Mbeki, Zuma is not well-educated (he had no formal school education). He relies on his people skills, is a more accomplished politician, has mass following and is, in the words of Mandela, an "African man". This too is in contrast with the aloof Mbeki. Zuma has being charged with rape and corruption - and acquitted on both counts. He has adopted a policy towards AIDs which, thankfully, is in complete departure from one followed by his predecessor.
Finally, the book talks about the troubles in Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe and how it plays on the consciousness of South Africa. While some fear that South Africa too could go the Zimbabwe way, the fact is that the two are different in many ways. South Africa is a strong economy, the land has not been used as means of settling old scores, its democratic institutions are better developed and, above all, it has far better leadership.
An excellent book for understanding contemporary South Africa.