Khaki shorts and saffron flags Book

Khaki Shorts, Saffron Flags
In 2014, when the wave of Hindutva hit electoral politics in India, I had read this book.
I decided to read the book for the second time because I feel it is imperative to keep oneself abreast of the historiography of Hindutva politics, especially when it is in power.
As an ideology, Hindutva sustains itself through the use of stereotypes and symbols. There is no ambiguity in its political endeavour. The sole goal of Hindutva is 'Hindu Rashtra', where 'Rashtra' stands for the nation, quite different from the State, as it denotes a cultural paradigm consisting of the community that resides in its demography. However, there have always been two parallel strands within Hindutva. On the one hand, we have a moderate approach, while the other depicts the more radical side of it. In the case of the Ram Janmabhoomi Movement, Advani represents the moderate aspect; Uma Bharati is the extreme face of the movement. In the present central government, Modi is the moderate one, whereas Amit Shah the more radical. However, there exists no conflict of interest between these two strands. They are mutually inclusive of each other, maintaining the symmetrical balance in Hindutva politics. An equally intriguing example of these twin images can be found when one studies Ram'the archetypal hero of the Hindu Rashtra. Ram is the figure who has faced many losses'he lost his kingdom, his home, his wife. At the same time, he is also the figure who emerges victorious against the devil Ravan. He is at once the 'Ramlalla', seated in the demolished Babri Masjid as well as the ferocious male deity who walks through the inferno to taste the milk of paradise. Similarly, we have the Vishwa Hindu Parisad, established in 1964 by Golwarkar comprising mainly 'sadhus', and we also have the Bajrang Dal, an organisation that recruits unrestrained, lumpen youths to unleash a reign of terror during communal riots. What is equally problematic is the fact that RSS-VHP-BJP is an exclusive men's organisation. It does not engage with issues concerning social inequality and exploitation. It does not have an adequate theory of capitalism nor does it provides a critique of it. Hence, more than the Muslims, socialists are Hindutva's more hardened enemies. Also, RSS tries to hide the reason behind its establishment. In 1925, RSS was formed to challenge the growing caste consciousness among Dalits in Maharastra, a movement led by Jyotiba Phule. No wonder RSS has never engaged with Dalit politics in India; instead considers the Manusmriti as one of the central text that helps propagate its ideas. Hindutva rests on a monolithic understanding of Hinduism. It does not encourage difference and dissent.
For anyone who wants to learn about the origin and growth of Hindutva in South Asia, the book will come in handy as it provides a brilliant introduction to its political philosophy.