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I: Historical Narrative
1: The Decline of the Traditional State, 1780-191901 China in 1780 The Faces of Western Imperialism Domestic Rebellion and the Devolution of Power to the Localities Military Defeats and the Loss of Tributary States The Cultural, Ideological, and Political Nature of Chinese Response to Civilizational Crisis
2: Building State and Nation Amid Cultural Revolution, 1901-1928 The "Revolutionary" Manchus Militarization and Political Options Social and Cultural Revolution Nationalism and Its Proponents
3: Social Revolution: Alternatives for State and Nation, 1928-1960 Struggles to Reconstruct Chinese Society The Ravages of Invasion and Civil War The Years That Were Fat Communization and Militarization
4: Economic Disasters and Miracles: 1960 to the Present--Whither State and Nation?
Cultural and Economic Catastrophe Reform and Repression State Decentralization and National Power Social and Cultural Change II: Compendium of Key Figures, Events, and Terms Major Events and Movements Terms Institutions and Organizations Treaties and International Settlements Emperors Qing Dynasty Government Leaders Leaders of Dissent, Rebellion, or Revolution Nationalist Party (Guomindang/Kuomintang) Leaders Communist Party (Gongchandang) Leaders Military Figures Intellectuals, Writers, and Artists III: Resource Guide Annotated Bibliography of Selected Works General Works Politics Society The Economy The World of Culture and Thought Relations with the Outside World Documentaries and Feature Films Electronic Resources IV: Appendices Appendix 1: Chronology, 1780 to the present Appendix 2: Documents
1. Letter of CommissionerLin Zexu to Queen Victoria (1839)
2. The Taiping Plan for Reorganizing Chinese Society from The Land System of the Heavenly Dynasty(1853)
3. Memorial of Kang Youwei to the Guangxu Emperor (1898)
4. The Boxer Protocol (1901)
5. The Manifesto of the Revolutionary Alliance (Tongmenghui) (1905)
6. Chen Duxiu's "Call to Youth" from New Youth(1915)
7. The Three Principles of the People, Sun Yat-sen (1924)
8. Fundamentals of National Reconstruction, Sun Yat-sen (1924)
9. Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan, Mao Zedong (1927)
10. The Jiangxi Soviet Land Law of 1932
11. Talks at the Yan'an Forum on Literature and Art, Mao Zedong (1942)
12. On the People's Democratic Dictatorship, Mao Zedong (1949)
13. The Marriage Law of the People's Republic of China (1950)
14. Decision of the Central Committee of the CCP concerning the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966)
15. Big Character Poster, "Bombard the Headquarters," Mao Zedong (1966)
16. "Democracy or a New Dictatorship," Wei Jingsheng, published in Explorations(1979)
17. Proposals for the Reform of the Political Structure, Su Shaozhi (1986)
18. Wall poster, Beijing Spring (1989)
19. Main points of Deng Xiaoping's Talks in Shenzhen (1992)
20. Excerpt from Decision of Central Committee on Some Issues Concerning the Establishment of a Socialist Market Economic Structure (1993)
Appendix 3: Major Party Congresses Chinese Communist Party (CCP)
Guomindang (Nationalist Party)
Appendix 4: Tables and Figures on Trends and Developments Table 1: Selected Development and Demographic Trends, 1950-1990 Table 2: Regional Variation in Demographic Indicators Table 3: Ethnic Minorities with a Population over Four Million Table 4: Basic Indicators for Greater China, 1995 Table 5: Indicators of Economic Development Level, 1952-1990 Table 6: China's Trade with Selected Countries and Regions, 1970,
1978-1985 Table 7: United States Trade with China, 1978-1993 Table 8: United States Direct Foreign Investment in China, 1983-1993 Table 9: Agricultural Performance, 1957-1978 and 1978-1984 Table 10: State Budgets with reference to Defense and Other Expenditures, 1978-1994 Table 11: Indicators of Social Development, 1952-1990 Table 12: Number of Schools, 1952-1991 Table 13: Number of Students, 1950-1991 Table 14: Changes in Aspects of Freedom of Mate Choice, 1900-1982 Table 15: Bride Age at First Marriage, 1900-1982 Table 16: Groom Age at First Marriage, 1900-1982 Figure 1: Urban Residents Income and Living Expenditures, 1995 Figure 2: Urban Ownership of Household Appliances, 1995
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| WonderClub |
Faye E. Hoffman
reviewed Bargaining with Japan on June 19, 2019 Bargaining with Japan
I read this book many years ago. It very relevant now in terms of understanding Trump and the MAGA crowd. Essentially, (and this is my summary mixed with 10 or 15 years of my own thoughts) this book points out that the efficiency gains from trade are apparent to virtually all people who are educated enough to have read Adam Smith. But, politicians find it difficult to support free trade because the loudest voices tend to be the small groups that stand to loose (coal miners are a very small part of the American population), while the general population doesn’t care enough or notice general price decreases to make trade their single most important election criteria. In other words, coal miners go on strike, but the general population doesn’t vote someone out of office because TV prices go up 25%. So, Congress has put in place structures, mechanisms, and institutions that allow them to reduce political pressure on them. For example, the US Trade Representative has a lot of autonomy, which allows members of Congress and the president to say that they are not negotiating a trade deal. The USTR is not elected and therefor shielded from political pressure. The USTR then negotiates with each special interest group and gets, for example, agricultural interests to back the deal that hurts the coal industry or intellectual property interests to back a deal that hurts manufacturing interests. And society as a whole benefits.
What I realize now is that unemployed coal miners don’t have the Capitol to buy a farm and assembly plant works will temperamentally never be suited to learning how to market iPhones to the Chinese market. Just as importantly, while tariffs on TVs are easily quantified and enforced, it’s much harder to quantify and enforce stolen IP rights. So, the benefits of free trade have accrued to everyone as a whole, but with greater incremental benefits to the Chinese in relation to the United States and greater incremental benefits to American white collar workers with significant costs to American blue collar workers.
In the long term, this is shifting wealth from the lower middle class to a much smaller group of wealthy individuals. A significant increase in the GINI coefficient contributes to the political instability and class polarization. In other words, a significant percentage of the market capitalization of Google needs to go toward somehow supporting the coal miners of West Virginia who will never—no matter how much money is spent on job retraining—be able to learn java script.
It also strengthens a militarily confrontational power at the expense of Western democratic values like political and social freedoms. This means that a significant percentage of Chinese military hardware was paid for with intellectual property stolen from Google.
And yet, simply raising tariff barriers and engaging in trade wars will decrease the overall wealth of all countries that engaged in free trade. Understanding the Byzantine ways in which American Trade Politics was designed to work will increase the chances that we will preserve the benefits of free trade while reducing the social impact of free trade agreements.
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Add Bargaining with Japan, Schoppa offers a detailed critical examination of the outcome of recent U.S.-Japan trade talks, focusing on the Bush administration's Structural Impediments Initiative and the more recent Clinton Framework talks. He provides a comprehensive account of the, Bargaining with Japan to the inventory that you are selling on WonderClubX
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Add Bargaining with Japan, Schoppa offers a detailed critical examination of the outcome of recent U.S.-Japan trade talks, focusing on the Bush administration's Structural Impediments Initiative and the more recent Clinton Framework talks. He provides a comprehensive account of the, Bargaining with Japan to your collection on WonderClub |