Discovering Syntax: Clause Structures of English, German, and Romance Book

Acknowledgments and dedication     v
Prologue to Discovering Syntax     1
Structures in lexical projections
Types of syntactic categories and features     9
The status of the small clause category     14
Secondary Predication and Small Clauses     14
Binary Branching and "Learnability"     15
Small Clauses: irrelevant or defective syntactic arguments     17
An Aristotelian legacy     22
The restricted complement space of lexical frames     27
The range of single phrase complements to verbs     27
Variations on the frames___D, ___A and ___P     28
The predicate nominal frame +___N     30
Variations on the frames___V and ___I     33
Extrinsic features in single frames     38
Limitations on multiple complements     40
The puzzling descriptive generalizations     40
The role of Abstract Case in Logical Form     47
Confirmation of the LF Case Filter from triple complement structures     50
The Case of predicate attributes     55
The restrictive Syntactic Lexicon confronts open-ended Conceptual Space     62
The autonomy of the (syntactic) lexicon and syntax     71
The problem of "neutralized" phrases     71
The uses of ing     72
Derived Nominals     72
Derived Adjectives     73
Gerunds     75
Present Participles     76
A generalized and autonomous lexical entry for ing     78
From Middle to Modern English     78
Selection through lexical heads     81
Defining the lexical head     84
Lexical selection of non-finite clause types     86
The choice between Participles and Gerunds     89
Why Infinitives and not Gerunds?     93
Conclusion: all uses of ing result from a single entry     95
Secondary prediction, stationary particles, and silent prepositions     99
Lexical representations of Intransitive Prepositions     99
Case Transparency and Word Order of Intransitive Prepositions     102
Stationary Particles and Secondary Predication     104
Stacked PPs, Silent Ps, and the Revised Theta Criterion     106
Projecting indirect objects     115
Introduction: a path not followed     115
The surface structure of the prepositionless dative     118
English double objects     118
Some non-Indo-European prepositionless datives     123
The deep structure of indirect object constructions     127
Prepositionless datives: theoretical issues     130
Structure-preserving derivations and the Projection Principle     130
The interpretation of indirect objects and further predictions     133
The passivizability and abstract Case of NPs in P-less datives     136
Accounting for P-less datives     137
The licensing of the empty P in P-less datives     137
Phrasal antecedents for empty heads     139
Accounting for crosslinguistic variation     141
Applicative suffixes     141
Accounting for crosslinguistic variation: The English gambit     145
Conclusion: syntax rules OK     148
Minimal structures for functional categories
The flat structure economy of semi-lexical heads     159
Van Riemsdijk's Categorial Identity Thesis     159
Expected properties of phrasal XP complements     160
Defining semi-lexical heads     164
Flat structures when X = Preposition     165
Flat structures when X = Adjective/Adverb     172
Flat structures when X = Noun     174
Flat structures when X = Verb     180
Romance restructuring     180
Romance causative structures     186
Concluding remarks on flat V-V structures     192
How clitics license null phrases: A theory of the lexical interface     199
The apparent non-local character of clitic placement     199
Five contexts for long distance licensing     199
Problems with the Movement approach     205
Right dislocation as the key to en/ne     208
Distribution of the genitive clitics     208
The relation of en/ne to subject position     214
Free right dislocations without en/ne     215
Alternative realisation: Minimising covert syntax     220
The host of clitic placement     220
In situ representations of clitics in trees     221
Realising syntactic features in different positions     223
The "absolute transparency" of phrases allowing clitic climbing     226
Rizzi's paradigms for restructuring verbs     226
Lexical theory: Late insertion     229
Lexical theory: Satisfying subcategorisation     232
Clitic climbing, dual insertion levels, and the Phrase Mate Hypothesis     235
Causative and perception verbs     238
Restrictions on cliticisation in causative/perception complements     243
Clitics corresponding to complements of adjectives     244
Two lexical projections for French adjectives     244
Two lexical projections for English adjectives     248
Unresolved issues in the in situ framework     250
Nominative clitics and finite agreement     251
Enclisis     251
Clitic ordering     251
Choice of host V within restructured VPs     252
The historical persistence of clitic case     253
Economy of Derivation     255
English indirect passives     267
Characteristics and scope of structures called "Passive"     267
Indirect Passives: a needed concept in English grammar     269
Genesis of the term "Indirect Passive"     269
The English candidates for Indirect Passive status     270
The theoretical components of the Indirect Passive     274
Characterizing the "Grammatical V" that trigger the Passive     274
Properties of the Grammatical Lexicon     276
The lexical entries for the participial suffixes     278
The relation of the Syntacticon to levels of Lexical Insertion     281
Countering possible objections     284
Objection: grouping Japanese and English Indirect Passives     284
Objection: the structures examined aren't really Passives      285
Objection: The structures examined are Passives in Small Clauses     287
Conclusion: English Indirect Passives confirm Late Insertion     289
Landing sites of phrasal movements
A theory of phrase structure based on Extended Projections     297
Lexical Projections     297
The Subject as a special phrase: I and IP     298
The DP Hypothesis and generalizing the definition of Subject     300
The EPP: explaining the "strong D feature on Tense"     303
Transformational derivations     305
The lower operator position with parasitic gaps     309
Subjacency effects on parasitic gaps     311
The location of the parasitic operator O[subscript i]     312
No operator O[subscript i] in finite clauses     312
No operator O[subscript i] in infinitives with overt subjects     313
No operator O[subscript i] in bare adverbial participles     313
No operator O[subscript i] in absolute constructions     313
Puzzle: the lower operator O[subscript i] is not in SPEC(CP)     314
The lower operator is in SPEC(IP) or SPEC(DP)     315
Why parasitic gaps must be DPs     319
The sequence of T-model operations on a cyclic domain     320
A generalized definition of subject      324
Extending the analysis to long distance movement     325
Unspecified categories as the key to root constructions     331
Root vs. embedded clause asymmetry     331
Variation in root domains across languages     332
Variation across clausal types     332
An inventory of root transformational operations     334
Leftward movements without commas     336
The domains of root movements: "Discourse Projections"     336
The landing sites of root movements: "Discourse Shells"     339
Cross-linguistic variation in Discourse Projections?     343
Extending Structure Preservation     344
Deriving local and root operations from structure preservation     345
Unique landing sites for frontings without comma intonation     349
Exclusion or rarity of French frontings without verb inversion     352
Licensing the root X[superscript 0] position: English [Omega] vs. German V     353
Lexical entries for Complementisers     354
A grammatical moral based on Germanic Verb Second     357
"Residual" English verb inversions in root and root-like clauses     358
Left dislocations with commas     361
Iterative a-categorial root clauses     361
Parentheticals in apparently final position     365
Clausal remnants in apparently final position     368
Summary of proposed hypotheses     369
References     381