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| Preface | ||
| Sect. 1 | Constitutional Origins of the Presidency | 1 |
| 1 | The Creation of the Presidency | 4 |
| 2 | James Madison to Thomas Jefferson | 10 |
| 3 | Federalist No. 69 | 12 |
| 4 | Federalist No. 70 | 15 |
| 5 | To the Citizens of the State of New York | 18 |
| Sect. 2 | Historical Perspectives on the Presidency | 23 |
| 6 | The Strict Constructionist Presidency | 27 |
| 7 | The Stewardship Presidency | 29 |
| 8 | The Public Presidency | 31 |
| 9 | The Prerogative Presidency | 34 |
| 10 | Toward a Modern Presidency | 36 |
| Sect. 3 | Selecting Presidents: Campaigns, Elections, and Mandates | 41 |
| 11 | Evaluating and Reforming the Presidential Nominating Process | 45 |
| 12 | Out of Order: Games and Governing | 53 |
| 13 | The Myth of Presidential Mandate | 60 |
| 14 | From Campaigning to Governing: The Challenge of Taking Over | 70 |
| Sect. 4 | The Public Presidency: Press, Media, and Public Approval | 85 |
| 15 | The Press and the Presidency | 88 |
| 16 | The Cynical White House Media | 99 |
| 17 | Spin Control in the White House | 103 |
| 18 | Presidents as Party Leaders | 115 |
| 19 | Public Opinion Polls: The New Referendum | 124 |
| Sect. 5 | The Institutional Presidency | 133 |
| 20 | The President's Cabinet | 136 |
| 21 | The Evolution of the White House Staff | 156 |
| 22 | The Changing Presidential Office | 169 |
| 23 | Can the President Manage the Government? | 180 |
| 24 | Bureaucracy in the American Constitutional Order | 196 |
| Sect. 6 | Domestic Policy Leadership | 205 |
| 25 | The Hundred Days | 208 |
| 26 | Domestic Policy Leadership in the First Year | 215 |
| 27 | The Presidency and Domestic Policy: The Civil Rights Act of 1964 | 232 |
| 28 | Presidential Management of the Economy | 244 |
| Sect. 7 | Commander-in-Chief and National Security | 259 |
| 29 | Invitation to Struggle: The President, Congress, and National Security | 262 |
| 30 | National Security: The Rise of the Assistant (1961-1981) | 272 |
| 31 | Iran-Contra: What Was Wrong | 292 |
| 32 | Making Foreign Policy: President and Congress | 303 |
| 33 | Presidential Policy-Making and the Gulf War | 309 |
| Sect. 8 | The Separation of Powers | 323 |
| 34 | The Presidential Pulpit: Bully or Baloney? | 326 |
| 35 | Presidential-Congressional Relations | 336 |
| 36 | Representation, Accountability, and Efficiency in Divided Party Control of Government | 348 |
| 37 | The Presidency in a Separated System | 358 |
| 38 | Is the Separation of Powers Obsolete? The Congressional-Presidential Balance of Power | 368 |
| 39 | Presidential Power and the Courts | 383 |
| Sect. 9 | Evaluating Presidents: Greatness and Abuse of Power | 397 |
| 40 | The Finitude of Presidential Power | 400 |
| 41 | The American Monarchy | 419 |
| 42 | Watergate: Implications for Responsible Government | 423 |
| 43 | Being Liked and Being President | 432 |
| 44 | What Makes a Good Leader? | 437 |
| 45 | Presidential Character | 445 |
| Price | Condition | Delivery | Seller | Action |
| $99.99 | Digital |
| WonderClub |
Edwin Wiese
reviewed Understanding the Presidency on December 21, 2013
Understanding the Presidency
Eric Lichtblau's framing of the broader issues involving counterterrorism is rather limited. Indeed, his palette holds only two colors: black and white. On one side of his ledger is the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. On the other side is the Bush administration, and never the twain shall meet. Although he is fully aware of the unprecedented challenge posed to national security by the 9/11 attacks, and of the belief within the government that a follow-on attack was a near-certainty, Lichtblau declines to suggest what measures might have been appropriate in place of the ones he labors at every step to condemn as "over-the-top." Cherry-picking facts, tossing in irrelevancies, and engaging in other underhanded methods of argumentation'one could adduce many examples of such methods'Lichtblau fails, all told, to sustain his indictment of the Bush presidency.
There is also a lot of self-inflating gush. Here is Lichtblau describing the epiphany he experienced at the "instant" in which he decided to enter "noble public service" and become a journalist: "There's a moment in time when a fuse is lit, a passion born. The moment is powerful and pungent, and it carries with it the sight and sound and feel of possibilities both real and imagined; the 'swish' of ball hitting net for the first time as a clapping, bounding five-year-old dreams of becoming the next Michael Jordan; the red haze of a sunset bleeding into the greens of a forest on an aspiring artist's debut canvas. . . ."
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